Baptist Missionary Society Letters on Politics and Mission Work pertaining to Sierra Leone and India, 1791-1801, from various collections, primarily in the Angus Library, Regent's Park College, Oxford

These letters were primarily written by Andrew Fuller (1754-1815), Baptist minister at Kettering and leader of the Baptist Missionary Society, and his close associates who were also leaders of the BMS at this time: John Ryland, Jr. (1753-1825), Baptist minister at Broadmead in Bristol and President of Bristol Baptist College; John Sutcliff, Baptist minister at Olney; William Carey, the leader of the BMS missions in India; and various other persons involved in the work of the BMS or sympathetic to its cause. 

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 13 April 1791.  

Robert Hall, recently installed at St. Andrew’s Street in Cambridge, had just preached for Fuller at Kettering. Fuller writes that Hall

never spoke so decidedly against Socinianism in Company, nor appear’d so cordially to disapprove it as this time—A certain person said to him in my hearing— ‘In my opinion Socinianism will spread’—’that may be, said he, but if it does, all true and serious religion will so far be rooted up,’ or words to that effect.  He complains of the ignorance, cant, & bigotry of Socinians—They are he says exceedingly conceited; and as to abilities, they have one great man amongst them, but the rest are in general but so many mites in a great Cheshire cheese—Each one thinks himself entitled in a sort to the whole cheese, and so boasts. 

               At Cambr. they din him continually with the Subject, together with a cant way of talking of their being ‘dissenters upon principle.’  Robert says they do everything as dissenters there, nothing as men or as Xns,—they go to bed, & get up, get their breakfast, dinner, & supper, preserve their reputations, & bestow all their donations as dissenters.  He supposes if it were not for the honour of the dissenting Interest they would not have such a thing as ‘a vile tub in their meeting called a pulpit,’ nor yet one man in particular to fill it.

               R. H. was in a very good spirit concerning Dr. Evans, and has no wish either to write or speak against him—thinks him a good man but drawn into some temptations so as not to act well in a few late instances towards him. . . .

(Original Letters: Fawcett, Fuller, Morris, Ryland, BMS. MSS. Vol. 2, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

William Carey, Leicester, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 11 May 1792.

Carey has enclosed 25 copies of his recently published Enquiry, telling Sutcliff to keep one for himself and to sell the rest, and that he hopes to see him soon at the Association Meeting, giving a few items of news as well.  

(Raffles Collection, Eng. Ms. 374.  Original Letters. Authors. John Rylands University Library of Manchester)

John Ryland, Bristol,  to John Sutcliff, Olney, July 1792.

The beginning fundraising of the BMS has started, as well as Sutcliff’s printing activites.  Carey has been fundraising in London.  Ryland says he “recd last Week a new & urgent Applicn from Bristol.—Carey says all the London Minrs are for it, but One who is always contrary to the Majority & wonders I shd have the least hesitation on the Subject.”

(Thomas Raffles Collection, Eng. Ms. 383.  Original Letters.  Authors. John Rylands University Library of Manchester)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey and John Thomas, Bengal, 25 March-25 May 1794.

. . . Publick affairs wear a dark aspect to a political eye; but to the eye of faith it is otherwise.  In France the Mountain (or Marats) party are uppermost, and have Guillotined almost all the rest. Brissot and his party were 21 of them Guillotined together last October.  Among them were Rabaut and Lasouree 2 Protestant Ministers and men whom I always esteemed of great Virtue.  No, I mistake, Rabaud was executed by himself a while after.  The mountain party are desperate men; but perhaps none but such men could carry things through.  Their arms this last Summer & Winter have been almost every where victorious.  I reckon there will be no more Campaigns, worth the name.  The combined powers are about done over.  Old Catherine is a baggage.  She talked all along buut never meant to do any thing.  She looked on while Prussia & Austria & England were weakening themselves and has reserved her strength to obtain the Turkish Empire, (without interrruption from them) at which her mouth has been watering for years, and against which she is now upon the eve of declaring war.  Prussia has had enough with France, & it is sd has declared off.  Austria is poor and can go on but a little longer.  We have sent out fleets to take Domingo & ye French West India Islands.  The convention to counteract us has lately passed a decree utterly abolishing slavery in all their Islands! and admitting the blacks to sit in their assembly as representatives of the Islands!  For all this I say Blessed be God!  Slavery will soon be abolished!  America has resolved to abolish it in less than 2 years, and if the British Parliament does not unite, the slaves will liberate themselves when liberty comes to be spread all around them!   The French in passing their Decree owned their fault in not having done it before, and declared it to be no favor, but the mere restoring to them of what had been unrighteously taken away!

                         The negroes when liberated will defend their own Islands!

        A dark cloud hangs over us. We expect the French will shortly attempt to invade us.  They have been making great preparations for it for several months. Great numbers are going to America. Dr. Priestley & 80 or 90 families are going this month. . .

April 5:   Fuller mentions that Anarcharsis Cloots has met the guillotine, but Paine is still in prison in Paris. 

. . . at present I had rather be a subject in Russia than a citizen in France.  I am persuaded there is the greatest tyranny there exercised by a few over the many!  So far as relates to other nations, I see not that any nation has any cause to complain of them, but towards one another they are perfect tygers. . .

         Dr. Priestley has this week sailed for America.  I do not blame him.  He has printed a farewell sermon in the preface of which he assigns the reasons for his going.   Some have accused him of timidity on acct of the reasons he gives, but I consider such accusations as brutal and malevolent.  It is to the disgrace of England to have driven him away!  Such treatment is enough to make a bad cause appear a good one!   I am glad he is gone to America.  He will have Justice done there.  There let him write, and if our cause cannot stand on the fair field of argument let it fall!”

Fuller goes on to talk about Robespierre in France, and then the political trials in Edinburgh:

. . . Matters with us are going on with great severity—5 or 6 Gentlemen chiefly Scotch are condemned to Transportation to Botany Bay, and are about now setting off, merely for associating in what they imprudently called a Convention for the purpose of petitioning for a Reform in Parliament.  Their names are Muir, Palmer, Margorot, Gerald, &c.  I think 2 or 3 more. . . .

April 24:  Fuller says that Pearce has received a letter from David George in Sierra Leone and that “things seem to go on well there—both civil and religious.”

May 25:  He closes the letter with this statement:

. . . Permit me to conclude with expressing my earnest desire, as it is the matter of my daily prayer, that you may watch against every thing that may prove a stumbling block in the way of your usefulness.  Every thing under God depends upon your conduct. Even an Imprudent action may overturn all you are doing!  It made me and many more tremble for the cause of Christ that was in your hands to hear hear of Bror C’s refusal to drink a certain health in the “Earle of Oxford.”  Let nothing but conscience induce such conduct; & beware that conscience itself be not misguided. Would Paul have acted so?  Such a refusal in India would probably put an end to your being suffered to continue—a great responsibility lies upon us both to God & men!  Beware that you give no offence to Jew or Gentile, or by any means retard the work of the Lord. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Ryland, Bristol, 1 January 1795.

. . . You ask if I have seen Payne’s Age of Reason.  I have not.  You do not know what reading is to me; one hour would bring on the head-ach.  A newpaper is as much as I can read at a time . . . “ [Fuller had remarried on 30 December 1794]

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 22 January 1795.

. . . We much desire both the missionaries not to write anything confidential to Rippon. . .

[Rippon had recently published in his Baptist Annual Register a letter from William Carey critical of some of the Church of England missions in India and how that mission was treating the natives in that region.]

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Thomas Savage, East India House, London, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 25 January 1796.

In this letter Savage introduces John Fountain to Fuller and gives some background about him.  Savage is convinced that God has

designed Brother F— for a labourer in his Vinyard.  hope not mistaken in thinking Grace will make him in that Character a burning and a shining Light— Must now disclose what was to have been to you a Search for a time as to my design in his going to India which is as follows. 

               Some Months ago it was on my mind that T & Cs— [John Thomas and William Carey] Temporal Calling would not only render an assistant soon Necessary, but probably prepare the Way for several labourers to enter into that Harvest and supposed the Society would not think of sending one till they had a request from them and that it would be imprudent to send without, believe I hinted these thoughts to T— when in Town also have to my good Neighbour E— who hoped a request would soon be rec’d from T & C—    

               Soon after F— join’d the Good Samaritan Society and gave in Accounts of his Visits to the Sick; I felt much pleasure & profit both from the manner and matter of his converse with them, thinking at the time he discover’d Gifts for publick benefit—about the time of the Missionary Meetings in London he hinted to a Bror Visitor a Wish it might be the Lords Will to honor him with being one of the Messengers of glad tidings to distant lands.  This wish was told me by that Visitor to whom I said it had struck me that F— was as likely a Person for a Missy —as any I knew—some time after F— open’d his mind to me on the Subject as to making application to the Missionary Society—told him (from what Mr Wilks had inform’d me) his being a Baptist would be an objection but wish’d him to call on me at Hoxton Square & we would talk more on the Subject—he did so when I interrogated him on his Views of the Ministry &c and said should you like to go to India and assist T & C—should they want help yes said he that would be the very Joy of my heart—Well all things are possible with the Lord said I—ask his Direction & Influence is not improbable but ere long they may write to the Baptist My— Society for assistance if so—can mention you to Mr T & Cy—soon after this it came to my mind, suppose F— was to go out as a Servt to a Captn and pray a Visit to Malda with aperadventure of its being the Lords Will he should stay on my Representan & Recommendation it would be saving a Deal of Time perhaps—if not wanted he can return in the Ship—On mentioning this proposal to him he thot it very eligible & readily agreed—Accordingly I made application to the most Suitable Captain we have in the service & succeeded as he has stated all was made plain & practicable the desires of our heart was given us & I trust by the Lord— Methinks youll be ready to say why not communicate this to T— or myself for our Consideration I answer that your disapprobation seem’d probable & then it would have been imprudent in me to have sent him contrary to your wishes—he mention’d it to his Pastor Mr Smith [of Eagle Street in London] who desired to converse with me on the Subject and after an Explanation of my Design he approved of it—said he believed him a good young Man though he knew but little of him—I know of no Reproach on his moral Character hope next Monday will make the Lords Way plain for your sending him you may as before Command my Assistance in his Equipmt &c and with much love  . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 26 January 1796.

. . . A young man called on me last Saturday of the name of John Fountain.  He went a year or two ago fm Oakham, & since been in London, & become a member of Mr Smith at Eagle Street.   Friend Read of Oakham was with him. He had with him a Letter from Mr Savage—sayy that the bearer was a member with him in a Society for visiting & relieving poor & afflicted people—that he had a very good opinion of him—that he had met with some trials in providence, having been for some time out of Place—that he was inclined to go to Sea—and havg spoken to him upon it, he had almost procured him a place as servant to a Captain Appleyard (I think it is) a hearer of Dr Rippons, who is going out in the Europa, for Bengal, in a few weeks.  Mr S. added, “Any Letters for C. & T. might go by him, as he will have leisure while the ship lies at Calcutta to pay them a visit.” He also said Your parcel is gone I think on board the Georgiana.  After reading this, Fountain added, “Since this was written I have seen Capn A. [Applegate] to whom Mr Savage had recommended me—He was not certain that he shd go this Voyage; and asked me if I had any objection to live with him at home if he shd not? I said my mind was to go to Sea. ‘But why so? . .  .  I know Mr Carey & he knows me.— ‘Perhaps you wd wish to tarry there when you arrive?  I do not know—that wd be as circumstances turned out.  The Captains Lady then said, ‘If you mean not to return,there is nobody will take you out.” The Captain however seemed inclined to indulge his desire; hinted that his return might perhaps be dispensed with; and if he wished to go, whether [he?—page torn] went himself or not he shd go in his Ship. 

               Now having heard this story I recollected what was sd at the close of our Birm. Meetg by Bror Ryland, “Our next Object must be to find an Assistant or Assistants to India lest by deaths the work shd stop while others are learng the Languages.”—I had but about half an hour with him—He was going to Oakham. I asked him whether he never had a desire to preach the gospel?  He cd not say he had not.  I enquired about the affair of his leaving Oakham; & could see no fault in him.  I asked if he wd really like to go & cast in his lot with Carey, learn the language, assist him in the School, or in any way he could—and when he had got the language converse with the poor heathens about Xt?  To all wh he ansd “Yes”—And shd you like to go out under the patronage of the Society if they shd approve of you? “Yes.” I then resolved on four things 1.  To invite him to call at K. on his return wh will be on Monday next Feb. 1, and then I wd give him an answr.  2. To get all the information meanwhile that I cd concerng his character and abilities.  3. To collect the opinion of Brethren Ryland, Pearce & other distant members of the Committee.  4.  To call a Committee Meetg for those who are near, at Kettg on Monday Afternoon Feb. 1. where we may read the result of my enquiries, converse with the young man himself & come to some regular resolution.   He appears to me just such a person as we want.  You must come on Monday to dinner at all events—  . . . 

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Webster Morris, Clipston, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 29 January 1796.

Fountain has just been a guest in his home and has given him some references as to his character.  Morris comments: “I understood however that he had left Oakham some time since on acc.t of the prevalance of tory principles & finding himself exposed to the rage of High Church Bigotry. It is a circumstance wh may form a little difficulty in the business, but I think it ought by no means to exclude him from the regard of the Com.e   Tho’ known at Oakham as dealing in politics yet I hope has not been so known in Lond.n, but I am not sure.  I hint these things because I have known & much approved the caution wh the society has discovered upon this subject.  However, letters of recommend.n from Gen[tlemen]. before named will be suff.t I sho.d think to justify your acceptance of his services—”

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

William Smith, Eagle Street, London, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 30 January 1796.

. . . Mr Booth call’d upon me with your letter and desired me to answer that part which relates to Mr Fountain’s character—Mr F— has been a member with us about fifteen months since which time I have not heard anything against what is generally termed a moral character but I am free to confess that he has not been so regular in filling up his place as I had reason from his professions to expect—as you also wish to hear my sentiments concerning him I shall be very explicit upon that head—He has always appeared to me as a young man of intelligence but at the same time to entertain too high an opinion of his abilities—I conceive him to be very aspiring and fickle in his disposition to a considerable degree—The above I think is his true character, but at the same time I do not mean to impeach his christian character—you know we are not all cast in the same mould—Upon the whole I should not think it proper to send him out at the expence of the Society but as he is determined to go to India at all events it may be that Messrs Thomas & Carey may find him useful to them and in that case it may be proper to encourage him at a future period—Mr Booth desires his best respects and says that he has no observation to make upon the subject—

In a P.S., Smith writes: “I wish you not to let the young man know that you have had a letter from me upon this subject for obvious reasons.”

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

BMS Committee Meeting, Kettering, 2 February 1796.

Fountain was interviewed and asked four questions, to which he gave “satisfactory answers” (p. 59). Question #3 was, “Whatever be your political principles as to the best form of civil government, do you not think it the duty of individuals, especially of a christian Missionary, to be obedient to any form of government where providence shall cast you?” (p. 59).  The Committee received its first letter from Fountain in June 1796 (pp. 67-68), concerning his voyage over and his treatment on board.  In July 1796 two letters were received from Sierra Leone “respecting the admission of a Mr. Garvin (at present a schoolmaster at Sierra Leone) as a missionary to the Africans under the patronage of this Society . . . the Society wishing to be better acquainted with Mr. Garvin, especially as to his religious principles, before they gave a final answer to his proposal” (p. 69).  John Ryland was asked to correspond with Mr. Garvin on that subject.

(Accounts of the Particular Baptist Society for Propagating the Gospel amongst the Heathen.  Accession No. 1; Gen/CTTEE/1.001, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 11 March 1796.

. . . Fountain left Capt. Applegate’s last Monday in expectation of going on board the Europa under Capt. Jones; but Jones refuses to take him.   So the scheme is broken.  Mr Booth thinks, he says, it wd be more eligible & comfortable to go as a passenger, if leave cd be procured for him to stay; and wh he says might be done for 15£.  I do not believe this; or if this were true permission wd never be obtained of the Company for him to stay.  Mr Savage will try his utmost; & I have ventured to say so far as 20 or even 30£ wd go I am persuaded the Society wd not stand out—But I have no manner of hope of his going unless it be either as a Servant, or as a passenger in a foreign Ship.

(Fuller-Sutcliff Letters, 1790-1814, BMS. MSS. Vol. 1, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey, Mudnabatty, [Bengal], 13 March 1796.

He tells Carey that John Fountain will be bringing him this letter, whose “mind has of late turned towards you desiring to be your assistant.” The BMS Committee approved him at the February 2 meeting and he eventually procured passage on board an East India Company ship as a servant.  They gave him 30£ for expenses to Mudnabatty.  Fuller writes:

. . . While he was at Oakham he was much embrangled in Politicks.  We charged him on that head to be prudent.  We asked him the following question: ‘Whatever be your sentiments on the best mode of civil government, do you not think it is the duty of individuals, especially Xns, and more especially Xn missionaries, to be obedient to any form of civil government?’ He answered yes: but tho’t every man had a natural right to enlighten his fellow man.  We granted him this but asked him if there were not cases in which it was the duty of a person to forego his natural rights, in order to accomplish a greater good: We reminded him of the consequences of the popish Missionaries interfering in matters of government in China and Japan & he promised to say nothing on those subjects. . . . He has never preached, but Mr. Savage thinks he has promising abilities.   You will soon perceive whether he has or not. At least he may assist in temporal matters so as to take a part of the load off you . . . In our enquiries into his character  we were told from one quarter that he was aspiring & fickle.  We heard very good things from other quarters; but possible there may be some truth in this.  He appears to be intelligent & pious and somewhat enterprizing. 

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Fountain, c/o Rev. Mr. [William] Smith, Kirby Street, Hatton Garden, London, 25 March 1796.

               . . . Whatever you think aboout the downfal of Despotism I beseech you say little or nothing upon it.  Birds of the air Carry news: and every thing said by a person who is going on such an errand as yours will be noticed and reported.

               All political concerns are only affairs of this life;  with wh. he that will please Him who hath chosen him to be a soldier, must not entangle himself.  Eye the providence of God; and mark the operation of his hands: but beware of your passions being immoderately interested in the concerns wh. men have in the business.  He that will be Christ’s disciple must deny himself even of many of his natural rights: Not only Liberty and friends, & property but even life itself require to be set at nought when they stand in competition with him, or the dissemination of his cause. . . . 

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Fountain, Gravesend, near London, 22 April 1796.

Fuller reminds Fountain of Carey’s warning about being circumspect in his speech on board the ship going over—a good reminder for the outspoken Fountain.

(Letters of Fuller to Carey, Marshman, and Ward, etc. 1794-1815, BMS. MSS, Vol. 2, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Saffery, c/o Thomas Eyre of Cornwall, 22 August 1796.

Fuller writes about Africa: “I think we had heard from Grigg and Rodway before you set off.  The former stands the climate well, and has made some advances in the language of the natives: but the latter must return.  His constitution will not endure Africa.  I rec.d a letter from him last month to that effect, and another is gone to desire him immediately to leave.  His life wd be in danger.”

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 3 October 1796.

. . . There is great danger of the African Mission being utterly destroyed thro’ Griggs Imprudence.  I must call a small Committee at Guilsboro’ next Thursday.  Your Company is absolutely necessary. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Ryland, Bristol, to John Saffery, Salisbury, 5 October 1796.

Ryland writes about the African mission, noting that there is much fever and sickness, and that Rodway must return. 

. . . But Grigg has been excessively foolish & imprud.t & it will require all our skill to retain the good opinion of the Governor & Company for ourselves, in which I fear it is impossible he sh.d be replaced.—I canot enter into particulars now, but it has been owing to his very improper Interference in the political Concerns of the Colony.—We have been alarmed for some weeks thro a hint given in his own Letter, & our fears have increased much before we knew of Rodways return.  But last week I rec.d a long Letter from the Governor, with many charges ag.t him, stated clearly, & dispassionately, but decidedly uging his Recall. I expect a Committee will be held to day at Kettering, & that Bro.r Fuller, or Pearce, or both must go to Lond.n on the Business, to consult with Mr Thornton etc.  It is a sad and distressing Affair—may God overrule it all for good.  O that we had some wise & warm young men rais’d up, to be employ’d in this Business . . . .

(Reeves Collection, Ryland-Saffery Letters, R8/29,  Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, London, to William Carey, Mudnabatty, [Bengal], 11 October 1796.

. . . The African mission is utterly failed; partly thro’ the affliction of Rodway who could not stand the climate, and is therefore returned about a fortnight since—and partly owing to Grigg’s imprudence, who has interfered in the disputes of the Colony, and stirred up the people to oppose the Governor. The consequence is he is either gone or going from the Colony.  He was there only as a sojourner during the rainy season, and certainly ought not to have interfered in any of their disputes.  It is absolutely necessary that missionaries shd confine themselves to their work, and not meddle in politicks.  I hope ’ere now Bror Fountain has reached you and that this afflictive event will afford a warning to him to watch & pray, & waive the exercise even of a civil right, if it interfere wth his main work.  We are all united as a Society in condemning Griggs conduct—Were it otherwise there wd be no hope of ever introducing another missionary into Africa. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Fountain, [Mudnabatty, Bengal], to the Particular Baptist Missionary Society, 11 November 1796.

. . . It was certainly a high honour conferred upon you by God that you should be the first to wipe away the reproach of your ungrateful country who, in return for all the rich exports of the East, had for more than a century, imported nothing, nothing but vice and misery.  It was a cutting, but too true a reflection on the English, which I heard from the lips of one of the first Indians I saw, a man of no mean abilities, of the writer cast.  He came on board the ship while we lay at Diamond Harbour.  The captain, as he walked the deck with him cursed the Bramins, and called the people fools for taking any notice of them, and said, ‘We don’t care for our priests in England, we live as we like.’ ‘Aye,’ replied the Indian, ‘we know the English care for nothing but money.’ 

(John Fountain Correspondence, BMS Archives, IN/22, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Fountain, Mudnabatty, [Bengal], to a friend at Oakham, 17 November 1796.

He writes about missions in general: “But especially since about the year 1744, hath the kingdom of our Lord been coming with power.  See how his conquests have spread on the great American continent; what wonders have been wrought amongst the poor Indians in that quarter of the world!  How sudden the transition of many of them, from a state of savage barbarity to peaceful and happy society, embracing each other in the arms of fraternal love.  Great things have been done in the West Indies, and various parts of Europe.  What unexampled revivals in England, Scotland, and Wales!”

(Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 1, p. 323)

John Fountain, [Mudnabatty, Bengal], to Thomas Savage, London, c. November 1796.

Oh how great and numerous are the countries on this vast Asiatic continent groaning under the power of the prince of darkness!  We here see, as it were, a world lying in wickedness!  But by reflecting on what God has done, and being persuaded of what he will do, there is sufficient ground for encouragement.  Nations, many and great, once sunk as deep in wretchedness and ignorance as these can be, have been enlightened and made happy by the gospel of the grace of God . . . The Lord will build up Zion: and oh that he who is now writing to you may be an humble instrument in so great a work!

(Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 1, p. 341)

William Carey, [Mudnabatty, Bengal], to a Mr. N., London, 16 December 1796.

He notes that “Messrs. Thomas, Fountain, and myself, live in the utmost harmony, and I trust shall continue to do so.”    

(Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 1, p. 344)  

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to Robert Anderson, Edinburgh, 9 January 1797.

Fuller has received a letter on 23 July 1796 from Freetown, Sierra Leone, about the activities of Jacob Grigg. 

We have two Baptist Missionaries here.  One of them returns by this Vessel upon Acct of his health. The other I’m sorry to say has not of late maintained a Christian Conduct, but perhaps he has erred thro’ ignorance. What I allude to is his taking a leading & active part in influenciing the settlers agaiinst some Laws lately made for the good of the Colony respecting Marriage &c.

Another letter says even more:

We have opposers of Laws here as well as with you.  One, you know, will lead a Thousand, especially those who cannot judge for themselves. You’ll be surprised if I say these Leaders are Preachers—are white men—one of them a Baptist Missionary.”

Fuller writes that the report has caused “considerable uneasiness” where he is and some who oppose them are using it against them.  On Grigg’s behalf, however, he notes that

we suppose it possible that in the state of Society in that place, the Government may have thought it expedient to make Laws which as a Christian whose opinions & conduct are formed upon & regulated by the word of God, Grigg might be obliged to disapprove of in his particular sphere, & that this might be construed into an opposing of the Laws in a seditious manner.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey, Mudnabatty, [Bengal], 18 January 1797.

Fuller talks much about the finances of the Mission and disbursements for the India group; he warns them that Mr. Grant of the East India Company has mentioned to him that if

your selling goods Directors who were averse to Missions get hold of it, they might alledge ‘These are your missionaries.  They go out under a pretence of preaching the gospel; but when they get there turn traders’ and so, sd he, they may interrupt you, & use it as a handle agt future Missions. . .  My mentioning it to you may afford a caution to avoid too much publicity in disposing of the commodities.

Fuller mentions the Sierra Leone Mission:

Grigg in spite of all our invitations for him to return is gone to America—& wherefore?  Because forsooth he cd not live in England for the want of liberty but “shd soon be dragged up before our tyrants.”

About the European scene he writes:

Things at present look dark with us as a nation. . . The French have now made peace with all Europe but us; and have subdued almost all Europe to their will.  They are threatening us with an invasion in the most violent and outrageous language.  I can compare them to nothing but a raving mad bull, on the other side of a river. I have no opinion of their regard to liberty,  justice, or the rights of men. I speak not in reference to ourselves, for we have provoked them to the utmost . . .  I have as low an opinion of their regard to liberty as of their attachment to Justice. I believe the French Govt from the fall of Robespierre till about 6 months ago was as good as ought to be expected on this subject. But from that time, another Robespierrean faction has gained the aascendency.  It was pretended that a plot was in agitation to restore royalty, annd that Pichegru was at the head of it.  All on a sudden that General & 60 or 70 members of the legislature, and two out of the five Directors, were seized, & banished without trial!  I believed at the time & now more firmly believe that the plot was all a pretence—that the whole originated in Buonapartes jealousy of Pichegru, and of every other popular General in France, and a determination to ruin them, lest they shd stand in the way of his designs. . . It appears plain to me that Buonaparte wishes to be another Caesar. But he is a cautious man. He does not set himself agst the army or the legislature, but contrives to manage both.  By flattering the one, and exciting their fears of a monarchy he is enabled to awe the other. . . The freedom of the press is extinct.  18 or 19 newspapers have been suppressed; and indeed all wh. do not praise the Government.               

When I think of these things I am amazed at some people.  They go all the lengths of Buonoparte, and the Directory—believe there was a real plot—plead necessity (the tyrant’s plea) for banishing 60 or 70 members without a trial—flatter themselves that there wd. be glorious things in England if the French were here &c &c but why shd I be amazed?  The same people waded thro’ seas of blood in supporting Robespiere, till the day he fell. Then, & not till then, to use a phrase of their own, their eyes were enlightened.

        When I think of these things I am more and more convinced that political changes are matters from wh. it becomes good men in general to stand aloof. . . the political world is a tumultuous ocean; let those who launch deeply into it take heed lest they be drowned in it.  I often feel a painful regret when I think of those protestant ministers, who left their flocks for a post in the National convention of France, & fell a sacrifice in the days of Robespiere.  Oh, had they but died for Christ!  The far greater number of those who take the lead in great political changes are wicked men, and who act under colour of partriotism, but have selfish ends to answer. . .  To this I may add, I don’t think that the modelling and shaping of a mass of corruption is worth a good man’s time . . . and much less worth his blood.  Time is short.  Jesus spent his in accomplishing a moral revolution in the hearts of men.    

        But I beg your pardon for writing so much on a subject wh. but little concerns you.  We however have felt its baneful effects both in Africa & in England.  Thelwall (a famous Deistical democrat) was lately at Derby, and Ward, without consent of the people, admitted him into their new baptist meeting, to deliver a set of political lectures.  The consequence was, the windows were broken, & what is infinitely worse, prejudice is contracted agt the congregation in the town, so as nearly to ruin it.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Henry Thornton, London, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 26 January 1797.

. . . I am sorry that I have been so long prevented from sending you the Information which I wish to communicate to you respecting Mr Grigg—thro the continual pressure of Business I have been led to postpone taking a measure which I still mean to take & which is to extract from some very long Journals & Papers lately received whatever materially affects Mr Griggs character or may be interesting to you as it concerns the religious State of the Colony so far I mean as I can with propriety state such matters to you—I am sorry to say that Enthusiasm has seemed lately to increase & Bigotry also, while morality is said to have sensibly decreased—The Conduct of more than one of our white missionaries has been instrumental in doing this mischief—I beg leave to assure you that I am sensible that no improper Conduct at Sierra Leone has received any Countenance from religious Persons or Societies here with the view of enabling you & them the more effectually to guard against the like Deception or Error in the choice of future missionaries that I propose to lay the Subject so open to you—

        Mr Grigg was not gone from the Colony when our last accounts came away but he talked of departing soon to America being unwilling to shew his face in England—His Conduct had not improved subsequently to the former Dispatches, neither was it materially worse. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Report of the BMS Committee Meeting in Birmingham (written by Andrew Fuller and signed by Sutcliff, Ryland, Fuller, Thomas King, Thomas Blundel, Pearce, James Hinton, Benj. Cave), sent to Jacob Grigg, Sierra Leone, 1 February 1797.

Fuller writes that the Committee is deeply distressed at the “afflicting contrast” between the beginning of the mission 18 months earlier and its present state: 

Then we regarded you as the messenger of peace to the heathen, and as the medium of holy joy to ourselves: but alas, our hopes are blasted!  And the unhappy intelligence (your own Letter of Sep. 96) which has been read amongst us to day, leaves us no remaining satisfaction but the reflection that it was in our heart to build a temple for the Lord in a strange land.  We are not unmindful of some of your labours, and we feel a tender regard to you for your having withstood several temptations.  But Oh, Brother, we are grieved that such is the issue of your mission.  To whatever cause a disappointment of our hopes might have been attributed the event must be afflictive; but when we consider that you brother by an imprudent interference with concerns that had no relation to your profession or your work, have defeated our designs, it is truly distressing.

        Our hearts were grieved at the first intimations of any disaffection in your mind towards the leading Gentlemen of the Colony, and which we learned by your own Letters; but we hoped that by your more fully realizing the Labours of a missionary every resentful feeling would have beeen absorbed in your love to Christ and the Souls of the heathen.  O that this had been the case!  But every subsequent communication has only removed our expectations farther from us; and now the Scene is entirely vanished.

        Dear Brother, what shall we say to you?  That we consent to your remaining in your present station?  That, after the fullest discussion we judge highhly imprudent.  Shall we advise you, according to your own proposal, & go to America?  There you have no friends, and there you may expect unfriendly reports would follow you, and which might terminate your usefulness in the cause of Christ.  That therefore would be advising  you to pursue your own ruin.  What remains, but that we entreat you to return to your native country.  We have not banished you from our [hearts?].  We have not relinguished the hope that you may yet either at home, or among some other heathens, be a useful minister of Jesus Christ.  In fine, we love peace too well to recommend your staying in Africa.—We love you too well to sanction your going to America: And we think unanimously that no step will so well guard your reputation, or put you so much in the way of usefulness as a speedy return to England.  You will still find in us your brethren, whose affectionate counsel will not be wanting for your future direction and prosperity.

        The expences of your Voyage we shall readily defray who can tell but we may yet thro’ the overruling hand of a gracious providence, which is ever producing good results from temporary affliction, reap as much pleasure from your future labours as we have endured pain from the events which are past?  If after all, notwithstandiing our advice, you are determined to go to America, you must:  And after offering you a free passage to England, you cannot suspect that we shd refuse [to] pay your expenses to America . . .  [letter damaged and illegible] You cannot suppose that our objection can arise [from anything] but a regard to your future welfare.  We are your affectionate brethren, . . .

On the reverse side of the pages of the Report is a private letter by Andrew Fuller to Jacob Grigg, February [?] 1797, in which he details his differences with Grigg.  Fuller would later quote a portion of his letter to Grigg in a September letter to John Fountain in India (see below), for both men were guilty of similar political excesses. Fuller writes to Grigg:

I think it wrong for any individual, in any nation, or under any government to indulge a restless, discontented, complaining spirit; and still more so to be employed in stirring up others to the same things. 

        Whether Mr Clarke has assumed too much; who [?] he considers he is the Pastor of all the people at Sierra Leone, and so arises to undermine the dissenting communities, I shall not decide.  If he does, he and the Colony will both have cause to regret it.  But if it be even so, I wish you had been neutral.  You shd have avoided every thing that would impede your main object.  I think you was very wrong in at all intermeddling in things of a political nature.  If Free Town had been the seat of your labors, you shd have avoided these things; much more as it was not. I do not think that a Christian or a Christian Minister forfeits any of his rights as a man or as a citizen; but I think that Christianity teaches in many cases voluntarily to forego the exercises of those rights for the sake of attaining a greater good.  What if the benevolent Howard in exploring the dungeons of the wretched all over Europe had embroiled himself in every nation in attempting to correct their governments?  Would he not have defeated his end? Could he have had admission into any nation after a single attempt of the kind? Was it not to his honour to forego many of his national rights, and to submit to the laws even under despotic governments, for the sake of doing good to mens bodies?  But if so, would it not be to the honour of a Christian Missionary to do as much for the good of mens souls? The man that cannot seek the peace of every country where he goes, and forbear to [illegible phrase] to learn the first principles of a missionary. It was owing to their interference in politicks that the missionaries in China & Japan were expelled from those nations.  But do not despair my brother; you are a young man and may learn wisdom, even by these unhappy events.  Do not indulge a thought as if your brethren were become your enemies.  Some [illegible] to your country and connexions we will tenderly seek your good; and when you arrive at any English port, avoid entering upon any conversation with any persons relative to your affair.  Repair to Bristol, or Birmingham, or Kettering.   Our friends were grieved that you shd suspect [illegible] regard to justice or to you so much as to suppose that they wd refuse you a passage too America, if America be your determined resort. But we had much rather you should come home, both for your own sake and [that] of the Gospel.

(Home Correspondence, East India Company Correspondence, 1807-13, BMS Archives, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to Zachary Macaulay, Esq., Free Town, Sierra Leone, 6 February 1797.

Fuller has sent another letter to Grigg recalling him to England unless Macaulay believes that, after reading Fuller’s letter, that Grigg’s spirit will be

so altered as to afford a hopeful prospect of better conduct in future. As Mr Grigg has lately wrote us, and referred his case to our decision, we have by the present conveyance answered his Letter, and have repeated our desire that he shd return by the first opportunity.

               Be assured dear sir that we are much concerned that any person sent out by us shd have so conducted himself as to have afforded a ground of complaint. . . . 

Grigg could have stayed at Port Logo, but he would not, and Fuller’s “expostulatory letters” have been to no avail, so that he tells Macaulay that he wishes “at all events that he [Grigg] return by the first opportunity. We have said what we can to dissuade him from going to America; nevertheless, if he be determined to go thither, we must leave it to his choice; and shall not object to pay his voyage thither. . . .”

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

William Carey, Mudnabatty, to Andrew Fuller, 23 March 1797 (two printed versions) (quoted by Fuller to Rippon on 6 March 1798 [see below]).

. . . Brother Fountain is making very considerable progress in the language.  The climate suits him very well at present and I hope will do; though it is the rainy season that tries European constitutions, which begins about the tenth of June.  He is alive in the things of God, and helps us much. . . .  I hope the African mission may teach us more and more; though we have always made it a point to avoid every word or action that looks like intermeddling wiith politics.  We have no disposition to it; and if we were at all dissatisfied, which we are not; yet it is a point of conscience with me, to be submissive to the powers that are for the time being; so that my opinions about the best mode of government be what they might, yet the bible teaches me to act as a peaceful subject under that government which is established where Providence has placed or ever may place my lot; provided that government does not interfere in religious matters, or attempt to constrain my conscience: in that case, I think it my duty peaceably to obey God rather than men,and abide by all consequence. . . .

(Eustace Carey, Memoir of Dr. Carey, 2nd ed., 1837, pp. 306-07) 

. . . I hope the failure of the African mission will teach us more and more: though we have always made it a point to avoid every word or action that looks like intermeddling with politics.  We have no disposition to do it.  And if we were at all dissatisfied (which we are not) yet it is a matter of conscience with me to be submissive to the powers that are, for the time being: so that let my opinions about the best mode of government be what they might, yet the Bible teaches me to act as a peaceful subject, under that government which is established where Providence has placed, or ever may place me; provided that government does not interfere in religious matters so as to constrain my conscience: in that case I think it my duty peaceably to obey God rather than men, and abide by all consequences. . . .

(Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 1, p. 370)

William Carey, Mudnabatty, to Samuel Pearce, Birmingham, 1 June 1797.

Carey praises Fountain as “a valuable person [who] makes very good progress in acquiring the language.  I have no doubt but that he will be of great use to the mission, being full of zeal for the souls who are perishing around us.” 

(Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 1, p. 373)  

Zachary Macauley, Thornton Hill, Sierra Leone, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 3 June 1797.

. . . I consider myself especially indebted to you Sir, as well as to every Member of the Baptist Mission Society, for the very great Candor which you have manifested on occasion of the occurrence of the various unpleasant ciircumstances with respect to Mr. Grigg [name has been scribbled over each time].  Not only your Letters & those of Dr Ryland call for my acknowledgements in this view, but also the account you have published in your Register [Rippon’s Baptist Annual Register].  I think the view there given of the whole progress of your African Mission extremely just & literally correct. 

        I have made use of every argument which I could summon to my aid to induce Mr Grigg to go home, but all my arguments were in vain. I fear indeed that the very circumstance of the advice having been mine may have prejudiced him against it, as containing some latent mischief. He told me he was resolved to suffer the greatest extremities before he would accede to such a measure. This induced me to yield a ready compliance to his earnest entreaty to be furnished with a passage to America. I still however indulge a faint hope that your letter which I accompanied with one from myself, may change his purpose & restore him to his friends.  I the more anxiously wish this, as the enjoyment of Garvins Society, which has already proved so baneful to him, seemed to me, tho’ he did not avow it, to be a great inducement for his preferring America.  I should have been glad to have detached him from such as association, had it been possible. 

        I am sorry in being obliged to state it as my opinion that there appeared no radical melioration of tempers.  His sorrow, and he certainly sorrowed not a little, I fear had no tendency to soften his heart. From the time that he involved himself in affairs foreign to his Mission, he seemed to have lost all relish for divine things, and all inclination to pursue his proper employments; nor was it manifest to me that he ever recovered these.  On the contrary, his conversation to the last, afforded the most convincing & lamentable evidence of the alienation of his mind from those objects, which ought to have engrossed it.  I admit that this is strong language, but feeling, as I do a thorough conviction of its truth, I am of opinion that I should not do you justice, nor do justice to either, were I to soften it.  I am aware of the earnest desire you all seek to render every possible benefit to him, but I am aware at the same time that no remedy is likely to be effectually applied unless the disease be first known.  As I make no doubt Dr Ryland will communicate to you what I have said to him on this painful subject,  I shall not think it necessary to enlarge. . . .

Macauley goes on to mention some financial matters concerning the mission work, and that he advanced Grigg the money for a passage home.  He then says in a note dated 5 June that Grigg has departed for America and Fuller’s letter to him will be returned with his letter.

(Home Correspondence, East India Correspondence, 1807-13, BMS Archives, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

William Carey, Mudnabatty, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 22 June 1797.

Carey praises Fountain, saying: “Brother Fountain is diligent, has good preaching abilities, and is a great encouragement to me, though he canot speak the language so as to be understood in preaching”

(Eustace Carey, Memoir of Dr. Carey, 2nd ed., 1837, p. 311).

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to Henry Thornton, M.P., Coleman Street, London, c. 1797.

A long letter that includes a portion from Governor Macauley’s “Journal,” with more details about the events in Sierra Leone. He begins with a note added above the manuscript (which has been written in a scrivener’s hand) to Thornton:

The candour and openness with which you have requested my remarks emboldens me to offer them without reserve and that not merely on one point, but upon whatever has struck my mind in readg the extracts.  If some things have occurred to me wh you may have overlooked, probably it is owing to my situation.  Being a dissenter, and of a denomination that has expeerienced considerable difficulty on various occasions in obtaining from their fellow-christians an impartial treatment, I may have been led to consider with greater attention the rights of conscience, and the boundaries to which human legislation shd extend in matters of religion.

Apparently a Mr. Clarke, a Presbyterian minister, had made it known that he was “the Pastor of the whole colony, whether Churchmen or Dissenters, and desire[d] to visit all the religious families in that character,” to which David George was “weak enough to accede.  This in my opinion was stumbling at the threshold, and served to sow the seeds of a great part of that ‘sedition and rebellion’ of which Mr Macauley afterwards complains.” In a section marked out by Fuller, Fuller had originally written:

When I read the foolish complaisance of David George, desiring Mr Clarke to visit his people “in the character of a Pastor,” I felf indignation.  I said to myself, If David George knew no better, it is pity but Mr Clarke had.  If David George was weary of his office, he might have resigned it; but he had no right to choose his successor, or to consent to Mr Clarke’s conduct in this respect, unless he will deny all in the colony to be ministers except himself, was as inconsistent with Presbyterianism (which admits of no superior and inferior pastors, but considers all ministers as equal) as it is with Independency.  It can be reconciled with nothing but episcopacy. In fact, it is assuming to be a kind of Diocesan Bishop.

Fuller was appalled by Clarke’s behaviour and realized that had a Baptist minister done the same thing the authorities, such as Mr. Thornton, would never have tolerated it.  Yet apparently Gov. Macauley has tolerated Mr. Clarke’s practice and when the Baptists remonstrated, they were marked as being “of a bad spirit.”

Fuller agrees with Macauley’s idea about marriage being “a mere civil act,” yet he is much opposed to Macauley’s idea that those marriages be performed “in a place devoted to religious worship, and by a person in holy orders.” Fuller writes:

If I had been one of the ministers of the other congregations, I hope I should have forborne to stir up either “rebellion or sedition”; but I should have thought it partial, and injurious to that peace and good will which it is desirable shd be promoted between different denominations.  If I had been in the place of the Governor, and had thought it necessary that any minister should be employed, I think I should have appointed one of each of the denominations.  

Fuller goes on to apologize to Thornton for making such complaints:

It is with pain, Sir, that I offer these remarks. I am sensible in some degree how difficult a work the plantation of a a new colony must be, and what great patience and perseverance it requires to accomplish it: and grieved at heart I am that a missionary from us should have been an occasion of increasing these difficulties.  Far be it from me, by any unkind reflections, to attempt to weaken the hands of the friends of an undertaking, which I am persuaded originated in the purest benevolence, and which, whatever be its issue, has been conducted with a good degree of moderation and prudence. But if the dearest friends I had in the world were engaged in such an undertaking, and should they do me the honour of asking my advice relative to religious matters, I would intreat them by all the regard they bore to the authority of God, the consciences of men, or the peace and comfort of society, to beware of interfering in the differences of different denominations.

He suggests to Thornton and, by implication, to Macauley:

Can you reasonably expect that different denominations of people should be equally attached to government, unless government be equally friendly to them? A few individuals of disinterested and large minds may seek the good of a govt, or an administration while they consider it as upon the whole a blessing to the state tho’ they themselves be disregarded by it; but this will not be the case with the bulk of mankind, or of any denomination.  The great body of every people, great or small, will regard those, and those only, who regard them; and no government ought to lay its account with a people being influenced by any higher principle.

Though America had numerous religious disputes among its people and colonies in the early days, eventually the government became, he writes,

wise enough not to take sides, but to be the common friend of all.  The coonsequence is, all denominations are alike friendly to them.  They have doubtless a number of dissatisfied individuals; but they are not found in one denomination more than another. . . .  Such are the means to extinguish bigotry, to cultivate brotherly love, and to render a people orderly, contented, and happy.

Thornton had asked Fuller about what means should be used to suppress false religion, and Fuller is hesitant on that issue, for fear of using coercion and invading “the rights of conscience.” He does feel that Antinomianism is the greatest danger (most of it has been rooted out of his denomination in the past 30 years, he says), with Lady Huntington’s Connexion the most involved that way, with Wesley’s followers on the other extreme.  “Antinomianism,” he writes, “is a weed that will grow upon every soil.  It is the refuge of a wicked heart.” He continues:

Were I in the place of Mr M[acauley]., I should think myself bound as a Christian to support what I considered as true religion by my presence, conversation, and example:  But as a Governor, I would not interfere in any religious differences, but would confine my endeavours to the deterring of “evil doers, and the praise and encouragement of those that should do well.” In the establishment of schools for the instruction of the rising generation, I would omit to inculcate upon children a few points in dispute which their parents might disapprove.

He then adds:

Amongst those duties which extended to the colony in general, I should consider an open, affable, and respectful treatment of the ministers of the other denominations, as one of the first.

Fuller was convinced that

no circumstances can justify a departure from that rule of conduct towards the Dissenters in the colony, suggested by our Lord—whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye also unto them.  If this rule be adhered to, there cannot be much amiss.

In a P.S. Fuller makes an interesting comment on something Macauley had said in reference to a comment mady by the Methodist ministers in Sierra Leone, that as Governor

he had nothing to do in the regulation of religion.  He retorts, when they ask for some alterations of a civil nature, “As ministers of the gospel, you have nothing to do with politics.” But does not the truth lie somewhere here?  If Mr M. as a Governor, has nothing to do in the regulation oof religion, yet, as a Man & a Christian, he certainly has as much to do in it as any other person.  His being a Governor does not dispossess him of his rights as a Man & a Christian.

        On the other hand, If as ministers of the gospel we have nothing to do in politics; yet as men, and as members of Society, we have a right to join with other men, even in a Remonstrance, provided there be just cause for it, & it be couched in decent and respectful language.  Our being ministers does not dispossess us of the rights of men.”

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Henry Thornton, London, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 31 August 1797.

Sir,

        I send you enclosed a letter from Mr Macauley.  I find that Mr Grigg together with Mr Garwin is gone to America.

        I am not sure whether I mentioned to you that I forwarded your paper of animadversions to Mr Macauley to whom the consideration of it belonged more immediately than to myself. I did this conceiving that many of the things which you said deserved attention & might have the good effect of promoting in him circumspection both in his conduct & in his modes of Expression in which last perhaps he may sometimes have erred when he was thought to err more materially.

As he continues, he comments on a “growing antinomianism” in Sierra Leone: 

It showed itself formerly in Turbulence & Discontent & Disaffection to Government, & now that the prosperity of the Settlers & the Removal of a few turbulent Leaders as well as the good Conduct of Mr Macauley have served to lay that Spirit, gross Immorality & Licentiousness are known by those who have opportunity of near observation very dreadfully to prevail while the Doctrine or language of most, if not all of the Black Preachers contributes in our opinion often to encourage & seldom to check these evils.  I am sorry that David George by keeping a public house & by not reproving officially the plainest vice nor considering it as very derogatory to a man’s religious profession has a good deal disappointed my hopes of him.  One of his Son’s lately asked in church as the intended husband of a young woman in the Colony. It has become a common practice there for men & women to lie together man & wife from the time of being first asked in Church, a practice which the Governor has strongly discouraged & which one wd imagine that D[avid] George wd have discouraged also.  Nevertheless he has gone the length of receiving his Son with his intended wife into his own house to live there as man & wife before the marriage altho the Parents of the young Woman made violent objection & has had a sort of fray with her father for endeavouring under these Circumstances to fetch his Daughter home. It is but justice to add that D George after some persuasion seems to own he has been wrong, but his Conduct in this case is a Symptom of the Slackness which has crept into the religious Societies.

        I am afraid that the religious world here is not enough aware of the nature & Danger of antinomianism & is far too credulous in respect to the religious Character of our Nova Scotians. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey, Mudnabatty, 6 September 1797.

. . . You wonder at there being no formal recommendation of Bror Fountain fm the Society.  Mr. F. at first proposed going on his own acct, and as a Captain’s servant.  It was at this time that the Society met; and we did not consider him then as a regular missionary, only proposed to see him in his passage, as we tho’t him likely to be useful to the Mission.  But when he was disappointed of a passage in the way that was expected, I wrote to the acting members of the committee for their judgement relative to his going out as a regular missionary, and at the Society’s expence—To wh. they all cheerfully agreed.  Soon after this I went to London, and a ship being obtained for his passage, there was no time for me to call another Committee Meetg.  I therefore thought it sufficient to write to you in the name of the Society recommending him as a person whom we approved.  And this I did in a Letter wh. I either sent by him or by another ship a little before him, I am not certain which. . . .

Later he writes:

 Grigg who has given us such great trouble is in spite of all we cd. say or do, gone from Sierra Leone to America.  So our African Mission is at an end.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Fountain, Mudnabatty, 7 September 1797.

Fuller complains about his difficulty in writing long letters because of headaches, but he proceeds to berate Fountain for his politics:

        . . . We had no opportunity of proving your ministerial abilities, but fm the taste we had of your prayer and conversation, we did not much hesitate on that subject.  If your heart be in the work I doubt not but you will be able to increase in the good knowledge of the Lord & to communicate that knowledge to the poor heathens. 

        All that we felt any hesitation about was your too great edge for politicks. The mission has awfully suffered in Africa thro’ that folly.  The loss of 3 or 400£ is the least thing to be considered, tho’ considering that as publick property it was grievous that is shd be so thrown away.  Mr. Grigg asked me in one letter what I thought of his conduct; & this I wrote him: “I think it wrong for any individual in any nation, or under any government to indulge a restless, discontented, complaining spirit; and still more to be employed in stirring up others to the same things.  But if this wd be wrong in any man, it must be more so in a Christian Minr & a Missionary. You shd have avoided every thing that would impede your main object. If Free Town had been the seat of your labors you shd have avoided these things, much more as it was not, but merely a friendly shelter to you in the rainy season. I do not think that a Xn or a Christian Minr forfeits any of his rights as a man, or as a Citizen: but I think that Christianity teaches in many cases voluntarily to forego the exercises of those rights for the sake of attaining a greater good. . .”

        But all is in vain.  He is gone to America in pursuit of Liberty.  Well did the apostle charge us who had engaged to be soldiers of Christ not to entangle ourselves in the affairs of this life.

        It gives us great satisfaction to find that Bror Carey whose mind also used to be pretty much engaged in those things, has dropped them for things of greater consequence.  May you my Bror follow his example.  We have heard nothing of you at present except a little too much freedom in speaking on political subjects after your arrival . . . you seem to love and revere the counsels of Mr. Carey. A humble careful circuumspect, disinterested faithful, peaceable & zealous conduct like his, will render you a blessing to Society.  Bror Carey is greatly respected and beloved by all denominations here. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Henry Thornton, London, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 8 September 1797.

Thornton writes that David George “has acknowledged himself in the wrong & the affair is over—I rather think also that he no longer is permitted to sell liquor, the doing of which had been a snare to him.” Thornton say Macauley thinks George’s reputation in England has been greatly damaged and it would not be “desireable for him again to leave the Colony.”

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Charles Grant, India House, London, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 25 October 1797.

Letter concerns Carey’s desire to have broadcloth brought into India so he could sell it as a trader. Grant writes that the India House has “nothing to do with such a transaction.” Grant notes that since Carey is not a licensed trader in India, he cannot sell anything.  As a missionary, however, he will be overlooked if he stays relatively quiet; but if he becomes a trader,

he might ruin his Mission.  It might be sad—here are your Missionaries—they go out on pretence of preaching the Gospel, & commence trader—so we thought it would be—and in consequence of this Mr Carey might not only be order’d home, but other attempts here to send out Missionaries be thwarted.  I do not conceive that his acting as Superintendant of an Indigo Manufactory is so liable to exception as trading, nor a thing equally obvious.— . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Zachary Macauley, Sierra Leone, to Andrew Fuller, 30 November 1797? [date seems odd—unless this is the date the letter arrived, which would make more sense, for Grigg left Sierra Leone in February or March 1797 for America.]

. . . Mr Grigg call’d on me to beg that I would use my interest to precure for him a passage to America in a ship shortly to sail from Bance Island.  This I promised to do, but not without reminding him of my having once before procured a passage for him at his own solicitation which he had however declined to avail himself of. He assured me that I needed not to fear a similar retraction, as he was now so thoroughly convinced of his unfitness for the business he had undertaken that no consideration should induce him to continue in it. He has been in a very poor state of health lately & this I have some ground to believe arises partly from his seeking in the use of spiritous liquor a remedy for his chagrin & disappointment.  I advised him to give up the thoughts of America & to adopt the only line of conduct which I thought became him as a Christian, wh was “not to shrink from inquiry, but to return to Eng.d & give his employers the meeting.  He had to do with Christians.  Besides it was his duty to satisfy them respecting his past conduct, to justify himself from misrepresentation & to ask that forgiveness which as Xtians they would readily yield him on the candid acknowledgement of his error.  I had no doubt of their readiness & of the happiness it wd give them to restore a repenting Brother “in the spirit of meekness.”  To this plan Grigg was altogether averse.  He could not think of returning to Eng.d nor could he think of burdening the Baptists any longer with the charge of supporting him while he yielded them no return.  Should he fail in procuring a passage to America he meant to engage himself as a clerk to some slave factory!  I remonstrated very strongly against this strange resolution, & tried to convince him how far better it was to suffer, than to sin.—The more I reflected on this shocking determination of Grigg’s, the more anxious I was to divert him from it.  It occur’d to me that the Declaimers against Missions would find it a convenient incident for their purpose that one of the first Men who came to Africa’s Sons charged with the Gospel of Peace shd himself become a dealer in slaves. I begg’d Mr Clarke to call on him in hopes of bringing him to a better mind.  Clarke call’d on him & tho it was only a little after nine in the morng when he call’d, he found Grigg sipping at a pint tumbler of Rum & Water.  Clarke press’d on him the duty of returning to Eng.d  “Sir, said Grigg, what could I do there?  I could not live under such a Government; my principles are such that our Tyrants would soon have me up: my principles would not allow me to live under our present Rulers.  A worthy friend of mine a Baptist Minister used to pray that ‘God would either chain them, or change them; end them, or mend them; turn them, or burn them’; & (would you think it) so infatuated were his people that they would not allow him to remain among them.  Who would stay among such a people!  I’ll never go among them.”—He afterwards broke out into bitter invectives against David George, whom he said he consider’d as the author of his misfortunes.  Mr Clarke recommended to him to cultivate a forgiving temper; a temper of love towards D. George even if he were the Enemy was the Xtian Temper.  “Forgive D. George!  No indeed I can’t forgive him nor indeed as a Xtian am I bound to forgive him, till he is sensible of his error & asks forgiveness. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Fountain, Mudnabatty, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 9 December 1797.

. . . The ignorance that prevails amongst the people in general, is distressing to behold!  Having no books, they can not learn to read, till they begin to write.  And even then they learn nothing but a few servile flattering terms, and the names of their detestable deities!  How ardently do I wish that the lovers of religion and learning in England, could picture to their minds what daily presents itself to our eyes; and that this whole country in return for the riches with which it furnishes England might be enriched with the knowledge of God! 

(Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 1, p. 393)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Rippon, London, 6 March 1798.

Here Fuller quotes from a letter to him by Carey dated 23 March 1797, in which Carey comments on the African mission (see above for two printed versions of this letter):

I hope the African mission will be a warning.  We have always made it a point to avoid every word or action, that looks like intermeddling with politicks.  We have no disposition to do so. And if we were at all dissatisfied; (which we are not) yet it is a point of conscience with me, to be submissive to the powers that are, for the time being.  So that let my opinions about the best modes of government be what they might, yet the bible teaches me to act as a peaceable subject, under that government which is established, where providence has placed, or ever may place my lot; provided that government does not interfere in religious matters, or attempt to constrain my conscience.  In that case, I think it my duty peaceably to obey God rather than men, and abide by all consequences.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey, Mudnabatty, near Malda, Bengal, 17 April 1798.

Fuller notes that Fountain’s fiancé, Miss T. [Tidd of Oakham], wishes to join him in India. The Committee will pay her voyage, but first they want some satisfaction on Fountain’s progress and state of cooperation:

Meawhile we confide in him for the most peaceable and prudent coonduct in the whole of his deportment.  The principles wh. you avowed towards the close of your last letter might be printed as the Missionaries Creed.  “Whatever be my ideas of the best or worst modes of civil government, the bible teaches me to be an obedient and peaceable subject.” —and not the missionaries only, but the Christians: for in fact we are all missionaries in this world. . . .

. . . Dark clouds overshadow us as a nation; but we are all happy in God.  Infidelity threatens to swallow up Xnty; but however those who are interested in its emoluments may tremble, we have no apprehensions. Instead of waiting for the attack of the Enemy, we are acting offensively.  The Xtn world almost is laying its accounts with nothing but victory, & commencing its operations agt the strongholds of heathenism.  Popery has lost its head. The pope is fallen; and Rome is become a Frenchified Republick.  The powers who first set up the whore begin to hate her and burn her flesh with fire.  It is thus that the body of Antichrist will fall.  Its soul or spirit will be consumed by the gospel, or by the breath of Xt’s mouth.  So we have nothing to do but to pray and preach. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Fountain, Mudnabatty, Bengal, to John Webster Morris, Clipston, 12 May 1798.

Fountain tells him he is doing as he wished—keeping a journal.  He says present circumstances might discourage him, but he is optimistic. 

. . . I see Hindoo pagoda’s, and Mahomedan mosques all destroyed!  Where they stood, christian temples are erected, in which Jehovah is worshipped in the beauty of holiness!  The horrid music is heard no more!  The frantic dance has ceased!  Instead thereof the sanctified heart bounds wiith sacred pleasure, and the tongue is filled with the high praises of God.  The dreadful exploits of devils deified are no longer the burden of the song; but the unparalled exploits of grace divine! . . .    

(Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 1, p. 423)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey, Mudnabattty, 22 August 1798.

Concerning another letter from Fountain to a Mr. R. in England that has some politically incorrect statements, Fuller responds: 

. . . That Lr I must say gave me great pain.  Bror Sutcliff and myself felt greatly disgusted with it. It appeared to us to be not only unaccountably impudent, and what might have endangered the very existence of the Mission (for Lrs are sometimes opened at the post office.  One fm you to Bror Ryd he supposes was so very lately) but utterly repugnant to the spirit of Christianity, as well as to his own solemn engagements in Kettg vestry.  I wonder what Mr. F. does with his judgement and his conscience when he reads certain parts of the N. T. particularly Romans XIII, Acts XXIII, 5. 1 Pet. II, 12-23, 2 Pet. II. 10-22, Jude 8,9.  Has he forgot the fate of our African mission?  If his memory fails him I can inform him that poor G—g [Grigg] is now employed teaching a school in America, where no eye pities him, (though our hearts feel for him) and where he reflects on himself for having ruined the mission by busying himself in things which do not profit.  It is as mean and as contrary to good manners as it is to Christianity to be throwing squibs agst any order of men. If Bro.r F. would like soberly to discuss the duty of a respectful submission to governors I shd readily concur, and that without any unbrotherly reflections.  He need not however discuss that subject wth me. You can point out his duty in that matter. If he cannot learn it, we shall all have bitterly to regret his going. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Samuel Greatheed, [Woburn, Bedfordshire], to John Sutcliff, Olney, 6 December 1798.

He has sent Sutcliff a copy of Horne Tooke’s book, and has just attended a minister’s conference where the Missionary Society was a subject of interest.  He mentions as well the Bedfordshire Union, which was formed among the Independent ministers, of which Greatheed had been one at Woburn between 1789 and 1797.

. . . The pleasure which these pious Correspondents express at what they have heard of the Missionary Society in England, and at all foreign Communications on the things of Christ, has led me to try at Sketching such an Address for our Union as might afford them some Gratification.  When I have got it into a little form I shall be glad to find an Opportunity of obtaining your Sentiments upon it, before proposing it to our next Committee Meeting.   

(Thomas Raffles Collection, English MS. 370, John Rylands University Library of Manchester)

John Fountain, [Bengal], to John Sutcliff, Olney, 21 January 1799.

. . . Amongst the many Classes of Men with whom I am conversant in India, there is one (as you well know) called the Writer Cast.  Had you belonged to that I might ere now have received an answer to my long Letter of May 1797.  If, however, your time has been more profitably employed than in Writing to me, I hope I have a place both in your Memory & your Prayers. . . .

He goes on to talk of a recent sermon he had preached on I John 3 & 4:

. . . Here I shewed how sin had not only seperated us from God, but what Divisions it had made amongst Men.  Instanced it in their many Casts, which prevented them from having fellowship one with another.—In the wicked contentions & Bloody Wars, by which Men destroy each other &c. Shewed how the Gospel was intended to Destroy all these Distinctions and Diffferences, and to call Men to a a state of Fellowship.—Here spoke of the Principles of Christianity, and how Christians were Praying and Striving to promote this Fellowship.—How ardently I wished them to have Fellowship wiith me, and with Jesus Christ.—Lastly spoke of the fulness of Joy with which this Divine fellowship is accompanied. . . .

He says he has been reading some of the Missionary magazines and his heart has been

warmed with their glorious Contents.  Surely it was never so seen in Israel!  The time, the set time to favour Zion is come.  The Scotch, I perceive, have struck a Death-blow to all Ecclesiastical Establishments.  The church of the Living God is about to be purified from all that which hath too long tarnished her Native Beauty.  Then shall she appear terrible to her foes, as an Army with Banners. . . .  

He closes by pleading for any materials and news of other missions, especially the one in Sierra Leone:

Could you but realize our Feelings in this dry and barren Land, where we are Labouring without success, and almost cut off from Christian Society, surely you would refresh us by good News from a far Country! . . .

(John Fountain Correspondence, BMS Archives, IN/22, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 18 February 1799.

He writes that Morris at Clipston had received a letter from John Fountain in Mudnabatty, dated May 1798, that contains  

no intelligence, except that he had found a Mr Cunningham at Dinagepour who is a very ingenious man & had lent him Godwins Political Justice, wh sets F. spouting ag.t Kings!  Tell it not! . . .

He adds:

I hear there is a New Review out on Evangelical principles.  Were they to engage Hall in it, he wd never introduce any thing I think against Evangelical principles and he wd give celebrity to the work.  I do not know who are engaged in it.  I suppose Bogue for one.  Ryland says that neither Grant nor the other have any thing of the political mania.

(Fuller to Sutcliff Letters, 1790-1814, MSS. BMS, Vol.1, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

BMS Committee, Wellingborough, to William Carey, 25 February 1799, signed by John Sutcliff, Thomas Blundel, and Andrew Fuller.

Bror Fountain in his Letter to Bror Morris asks his opinion, and gives his own, on a certain quarto publication [Godwin’s Political Justice] which he met with at Dinagepour. We earnestly wish Bror F. to recollect the conversation that passed in Kettering Vestry.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering,  to William Carey, 18 April 1799-13 May 1799.

April 18. Fuller announces that William Ward and some others, including a Miss Tidd of Oakham who was betrothed to Fountain and whom she would marry after her arrival at Serampore, will sail for India in May and that Carey should meet them at Serampore.  He mentions that many of these new missionaries and others in preparation are the direct result of Ryland’s labours at Bristol and the Academy. Sutcliff is sending some books; Pearce, near death, has recently preached with such “spirit and unction” at Kettering that Robert Hall “was dismayed at the thoughts of following him.” Fuller mentions his new work against infidelity being printed by Morris and notes,

I seem like a sort of pugilist, who having made a little noise in the world draws upon himself every one that fancies he can master him.  In truth I am obliged to overlook many things in periodical publications; and content myself without having the last word in coontroversies.  Sometimes my heart sinks with contention: and yet I cannot forbear contending, and earnestly too for I hope the faith once delivered to the saints.

He then makes an interesting statement about William Godwin:

I never thought that Godwin on Political Justice a work of merit, and that the virtue he pleads for shd be named on the same day with that of Edwards.  He is a lewd character; and his work is condemned even by the French Reviews as disorganising and inconsistent with human happiness.

April 20.  Fuller mentions being at Olney and receiving Carey’s letter of 10 October 1798, as well as a packet from Fountain and Carey dated 30 May-30 October 1798.  He says he will send a response with the new missionaries, as well as some particular comments “in ansr to bror F. on politics, having no fear of their being opened before they arrive.” He continues with an imaginery conversation with Fountain: 

Well, bror F. you have said that you do not trouble ourself about [politics?] yet in the same letter talked of K.G. [King George] being a Solomon . . . or rather in your judgment a Rehoboam!  Are you not like some men who have been so long in the habit of swearing, that they do not know when they do swear?  Or rather like one that shd swear that he does not live in that practice.  Seriously, Is it wise that you shd hazard perhaps the existence of the Mission for the sake of sneering at the K. or ‘HONOURABLE COMPANY’?  See and seriously consider Eccles X.20.  But it is not unwise only, but in my judgment unrighteous.  You are required by the N.T. to pray for all that are in authority: but this you cannot do without mockery unless you bear good will towards them, and that in their official capacity.  It is written, thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler, (or rulers) of the people; but to deal in sarcastic reflections upon them is the worst kind of evil speaking and is utterly inconsistent with the practice of Xt and his apostles.  Do you not think that Paul & Peter & Jude could have found fools & tyrants among the rulers of their day?  Yet they never say anything disrespectful of the powers that were, nor allowed it in Xns.  On the contrary, they described the liberty boys of that day in a light wh. shd make us tremble how we join wiith or approve of them in ours.  2 Pet. II.10.  Jude 8,9,10.  You “are not ignorant of many in India being dissatisfied with the Company”—very likely: and I am not ignorant of many in England who are the same with the govt, & who I believe wd not only be glad to see things reformed but utterly overturned, but I never given encouragement to such talk, much less join it.  I am not an old man; but I have lived long enough to perceive that 9 out of 10 who are clamorous for liberty only wish for a share in the power; and follow them into private life and you will find them tyrants to their wives, children, servants and neighbours.  I have observed also that those ministers who have been the most violent partizans for democratic liberty; are commonly not only cold hearted in religion, but the most imperious in their own churches.  Now whatever faults I may see in the govt of my country, I had rather be under it as it is than under such kind of liberty as I shd have reason to expect from such characters.  I have seen enough of French liberty to be fully convinced that, however there were well meaning individuals among them, whose object was justice, & the melioration of the state of mankind, yet the great body of the leading men, and by whose influence all the rest were led, were unprincipled infidels, whose object was to climb over the throne and get the supreme power, and to root up not merely popery but the very existence of Xnty.  And now they have got the supreme power in France their object is to extend it over Europe, and even the whole earth.  And I am much inclined to think that the 11th Chapter of the Rev. wh. speaks of the witnesses to be slain a little before their resurrection, & the kingdoms of the world becoming the kingdom of the Lord and of his Xt is near at hand—and that the peoples & kindred that shall rejoice over them will be the Infidel party, who shall exult that they have overturned Xnty, & crushed the sect of the Nazarenes.  I am aware that this rejoicing is ascribed to “the beast”; from whence Dr. Gill concluded that “popery should once more be the prevailing religion of Christendom.” But I believe he was mistaken.  The present infidel government is only a part or branch of the papal.  It has grown out of it and therefore is reckoned as belonging it.  I am strongly inclined to believe that it will be very short in its duration.  It has not an individual subsistence given it in the system of prophecy.  The govts of Bab. Persia, Macedon, & Rome, were Beasts, and all their subdivisions are pointed out: but the great empire of France is not mentioned.  It is not a beast but a kind of cancerous excrescence growing out of the body of the papal beast, which will prove the death of that on which it grew, but itself will die with it.  There is no duration allowed by prophesy between the fall of Babylon and the Kingdom of Xt.  It will I think be hardly a nine days wonder.  If after it has destroyed the paper power in Europe, and perhaps with it the Mahomedan, it survive 3 days & a half to “make merry” I expect it will be all.  Whether when the power shall be given to the people of the Sts of the most High, (by wh. I understand all places of power & trust being filled with true Christians) the government of the nations will be monarchical or Democratical I neither know nor care: nor do I believe that the Scriptures consider it as of any account.  Whether one man be called a king, and advises with others around him—or 500 men be called a Counsel, a Congress, or a Parliament, and who, by the bye, are certain to be influenced by two or three leading characters . . . to me appears a small affair, and beneath the attention of God’s word: but whatever be the form, Justice, goodness, peace & happiness will distinguish its administration.  Here then is our work, to spread the gospel. Peace on earth will never be found till this is accomplished.  War may be ascribed by designing demagogues to kings, and all hue and cry be raised agt them among the populace, but war arises from the lusts of ambition, revenge &c. which are in all men by nature, and which when they are exalted to places of power will make their appearance, whether they be kings or directors, or prime ministers.  Those who ascribe all war to kings and thereby excite the people to hate them are at the very time wishing and promoting a civil war in the heart of their country, in order that they may get more power by the change.  This is a time, & may be the hour of temptation wh. is coming upon all the world to try them that dwell upon the earth. I think also with Lowman and Edwards that this is the time of the pouring out of the VI vial.  Rev. 16. 12-16. and which is accompanied with this emphatic warning to the servants of God, “Behold I come as a thief.  Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked and they see his shame!” . . .

After some more discussion of prophecy, he returns to Fountain and politics:

Now my dear bror F. let this be the last letter in wh. I shall have occasion to write to you on a certain subject.  Our brethren who are coming to join you, Bror Ryland says, are not infected with “the political mania.” Deal not in sarcastic sneers agt the government be it what it may by wh. you are protected.  Give no offence to Jew or Gentile, governed or governors.  If you still think however that this sarcastic way of thinking, speaking & writing is consistent with the duty of a Christian, and a missionary, avow it fairly & you and I will discuss the subject as Brethren on Scripture grounds.  We all love you.  Only cultivate good will towards men, and a respect towards civil government whether it be in the hands of kings, company directors, or who it may, and all will be well. Read Titus 3, 1, 2, 3.  Write to me as often as you can.  I am a dull flint, you must stike me agt a steel to produce fire.  Ask me as many questions as you please.  I do not engage to answer all; but those that I like I will do what I can to answer.  Be assured I have done all I cd fm the time you left England to encourage Miss T. to come to you; and now I expect she is going, the Lord go with her and bless you both!  Many in England and Scotland think & speak very respectfully of you, who if they had seen all your letters wd for ought I know have withdrawn their support from a missionary society who continued to employ such a missionary.  David Dale of Glasgow, a most excellent man, who gives us unsolicited 20 guineas per annum & 50£ extra for the Translation, wrote to me on hearing of some of Griggs squabbles “Have your missionaries to learn that Xts Kingdom is not of this world?” . . . .

April 25. 99.  Since writing the above I have recd from bror Read Mr. F’s letters to him and Mr. Pullin.  I find both Read and Pullin are much alarmed at their contents considering them as highly dangerous, and the more so as Read says “All the letters have been opened before they came.” Pullin is greatly hurt, and expects disagreeable consequences to himself & his acquaintance.  To me the whole appears as sinful as it is unwise.  If Mr. F. be so infatuated with political folly, as not to be able to write a letter to England without sneering sarcasms upon Govts, “cursing” their monopolies, expressing his hope of revolution work going on &c &c I must say once for all, It is my judgement that the Society, much as they esteem him in other respects, will be under the necessity of publickly disowning him, as they were obliged to disown Grigg.  There seems indeed to be much truth in what he says to Mr Read that he shd consider an alteration of his notes as a greater crime than “treason”!  But how this can be reconciled with Christianity I know not. Pullin is disgusted at those parts of the Letter to him wh. breathe a democratic phrenzy: and I think it is a proof of his being a man of good sense. A little knowledge makes a man half mad: a good deal sobers him. Pullin has not been without thoughts of writing a Letter to Mr F. fully disowning the revolutionizing motives and tendencies of their Musical Society wh. he ascribes to it and of sending it by post, in hope of its being opened as well as F’s, and wh. would clear him: but has been dissuaded from it by Read.  I cannot help observing the carnal tendency of Bror F’s politics upon his own mind.  All his letters to his old political acquaintannces are as void of religion as they well can be.  He tells Pullin “he wishes him to be a partaker of the Gospel,” it is true, but the spirit breathed in the Letter from first to last has no tendency to make him think well of the gospel, but to harden him in a contrary spirit to it.  Some parts of it were frothy, and others (I mean that which relates to politics) detestable.

        I need not say after this that I feel indignation in reading his Letter to Pullin . .  . I feel for the cause of God.  My heart weeps for its wounds!  Yet I could weep also over Bror F.  I am sure I love him dearly.  His hymn on 2 Cor. VI.1. delights and affects me.  I believe I once told him he was a rhymist not a poet: but I am not half inclined to alter my opinion of him.  I see in him a young man of promising abilities, lively, ingenious, open, disinterested, diligent, in a word amiable:  but infatuated by a little superficial knowledge of governments, infused into him by such designing demagogues as Thelwall, whose infidel hearts sought not the good of mankind, but their own aggrandisement. 

        In England serious people have mostly recovered from the infatuation with wh. many of them were affected; and are receding from those subjects to their proper standard, the Kingdom of Xt.  Those who persevere in them are generally gone or going fast off to the standard of infidelity.  A genuine zeal for Xt and a revolutionary spirit cannot subsist long together.  Xty breathes peace, modesty, good will to men, respect for civil government; and if it disapprove of particular men and measures, it will be with concern and not with “curses,” sarcastic sneers, or noisy declamation.  Here I could gladly end with a wish to say no more on this unpleasant subject.  Let Bror F. try his spirit by the word of God; and he will repent and abhor himself in dust and ashes.  Could I see this I shd be ready, if possible, to fly to India and embrace him in my arms.  The Lord Jes. Xt. be with his spirit. It is possible that as his letters appear to have been opened we may shortly hear of it, and be reduced to the necessity of either disowning any further connection with him, or seeing the whole undertaking ruined!  If, as you said, it was “very wrong in Grigg to sacrifice the cause of God at Sierra Leone to a political wrangle”; much more this in India to an itching for Discharging a few political squibs, without any good end whatever to be answered by them!  It is a painfuul circumstance that this shd be the period when Miss T. shd be going out, and it is possible that soon after she is gone we may be under the painful necessity of disowing and recalling him! Brother Fountain! You have been playing so long at the mouth of the cockatrice’s den that he seems to you harmless.  Spare thyself!  Or if you have no regard to yourself, spare that cause wh. is worth thousands of such lives as yours and ours!  Repent, Repent, & ere it be too late, if it is not now too late! . . .

May 6.  Miss T. and her father and mother are now at Kettg come to take leave of her.  She does not weep at parting from her friends, but she does on acct of Mr F’s letter to Mr Pullin & she is far from happy.  She fears I know, not from what I have said to her, but from a previous conversation with Bror Read that Mr F. with all his qualifications which she certainly does not undervalue, will bring himself and her to ruin!  May the Lord prevent her fears and ours also! . . .

In a P.S. Fuller writes:

Bror Sutcliff is more than ordinarily concerned for Bror F. as his turn of mind previous to the meeting in Kettg Vestry afforded a Serious objection to his going: and it is supposed the Society wd not have consented to his going but for that Bror Sutclif was for it, alledging that Bror F. having smarted already for his conduct at Oakham, he hoped he had learned wisdom by it, & there wd be no danger. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Ryland, Bristol, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, with an extract of a John Fountain letter, 22 April 1799.

Fountain talks about his progress with the language and translation difficulties and his encounters with several Hindus, but nothing about politics, nor does Ryland make any negative comment about Fountain.  He does comment at the end of his copy of Fountain’s letter for Fuller that he has received a letter from John Kizell of Free Town, about the African Mission, in which he has had “some Dispute with David George and written largely to Dr Rippon about it, but wished for the advice of all the ministers—what it is I know not—I am tired of African business—.” 

 (BMS Archives, H6/6, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 26 April 1799.

Fuller writes that “More of F—ns politics have come to Oakham.  I tremble for the Ark—I have written him to go by the Missionaries, a very pointed Letter—saying if he cannot desist (and I admonish him not to desist only but repent) we shall be under the painful necessity of disowning him.”

(Fuller to Sutcliff Letters,1790-1814, MSS. BMS, Vol. 1, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

John Fountain, Moheepal, to Andrew Fuller, Kettering, 5 September 1799 (arrived 11 April 1800).

Fountain rightfully complains of neglect by the BMS:

If indeed communication with me is not desirable, do but mention it, and I have done.  The last Boat brought seven Letters for Bror Carey; for me not one!  Think how many I have written to you, I have rece’d but two in return.  I have also rece’d two from Bror Pearce.  To Brethren Ryland, Blundel, Sutcliff, Hogg, Morris, Rippon, &c. I have written but none of them all have deigned to give me an Answer.  I know the Labours of these dear Brethren are great; and they may all have correspondents more worthy of their Notice than me.  But after all I think it hard that not one of them in the long space of three years should devote a single hour to convey Intelligence—Instruction—or Comfort, to the head of this Brethren labouring in an Heathen Country, so far removed from all he once held dear.

He notes that “Ten days ago I closed a Letter to Bror Pearce.  Since then nothing has transpired respecting ourselves: but, every thing that concerns the public Cause in which we are engaged, must and ought to be far more Interesting to you, than anything that merely effects us as Individuals.” Later in the letter he asks Fuller for information from London about new books etc., the Northampton Association, “how things go on in Scotland—America—on the European continent &c.  Anything but Politics.  No more on that subject.”

He closes with a short postscript: “Whilst I have been writing this two more English Letters have come for Bror Carey.  For Bror Fountain . . . . . . none.” 

(John Fountain Correspondence, BMS Archives, IN/22, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

The above letter also appears in Eustace Carey’s Memoir of Dr. Carey (2nd ed., 1837), but is has been excised considerably.  Near the end Fountain writes, “We continue to grow in favour with all who know us. If you knew how many europeans had heard the gospel from our lips, who never woould have heard it had we not come, you would be far from thinking the society’s money thrown away.  Military officers, judges, collectors, &c., have repeatedly joined us in worship both at Malda and Dinagepore.  . .  O my brother, tell it to your churches, tell it to the society, tell it to the whole christian world, that their prayers are not in vain” (pp. 344-45). 

William Ward, Serampore, to John Sutcliff, 16 December 1799.

Letter gives an interesting account of the writer’s voyage from London, complete with alarms from French privateers, etc.

On the 24th of May 1799, we entered the Criterion at London. On the 12th October we left it in the river near Calcutta, and the next morning we landed at Serampore.  We had a very favourably [sic] voyage.  I was almost the only one who escaped the sea sickness.  We preached to the sailors on deck on a Lord’s day morning, & in our room to ourselves in the evening.  The Capt. indeed always joined us, & took the lead in his turn in family worship.  He is a godly elder of a Presbyterian church at Philadelphia, under the pastoral care of the Rev. Dr Smith.  We had the pleasure of introducing two of the sailors, apparently under serious concern, unto our Lord’s day evening worship in our own room for a few times.  We were once under alarm from privateers & once from violent weather.  I will copy a short extract or two from my Journal:—

His journal entries are for Tuesday, June 11 through Thursday, June 13; Friday, Aug. 9 through Saturday, Aug. 10.  They include a number of adventures along the way, especially from other vessels and a storm.

On our arrival at this place we made preparations for going up the country & joining our Brethren, but the Government of the Company prevented us.  Our Brethren, therefore, are coming to join us at this place, where the seat of the mission will be placed.  This place belongs to the Danes.  There is no church. The governor & several gentleman attend preaching at our house.  We have preached once in the Governor’s hall.  We have all the patronage we could expect, & we can go any where to itinerate.  Paper, press, types are ready & before this reaches you, no doubt some part of the Bible will be printed in Bengalee.  Our Brethren are still sowing in hope, tho’ in tears.  I know not when I shall be able to join them.— . . . We have lost by Death our dear Brother Grant.  He has left a widow & two children.  Tho’ well on landing, he died in three weeks after our arrival, of a fever.  Brother Carey still looks young.  He sends his love to you & family, & begs me to make his acknowledgment for the books.  He, however, talks of writing.  Let me hear from you while either of us live, & send me an account of the Yorkshire churches, & you will increase those many obligations under which you have laid                                                       

                                 Your sincerely affectione son & Servant

                                                                                       Wm Ward

(Raffles Collection, Eng. Ms. 387.  Original Letters.  Missionaries. John Rylands University Library of Manchester)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey, Kidderpore, near Dinagepore, Bengal, 12 April 1800.

. . . Yesterday I recd your and bror Fountain’s Letters sent off when he went to meet Ward & Co.  of whose arrival I am rejoiced to hear.  But I have a few things too say to you.  You think I have borne too hard on Bror F.  If so, you will think me still more hard when you read my letter by Ward & Co.  And Bror F. complains of my not writing him.  The true cause is I have never recd a Letter scarcely fm him but what has filled me with pain and disgust on some account; & if I were to write I must express my disapprobation.  His pertness and extravagance on a certain subject are intolerable; and threaten to overset the mission.  I wish with all my heart he had never gone.  His Journal is so full of such folly, as, if it had been stopped and opened as some things are, must have utterly overset the mission.  He mentions you too in his Journal as talking with him in the same way.  Let me say once for all my bror, and I write in the anguish of my heart, that if such things continue to exist in the Mission, I must soon drop all connexion with it!  I am persuaded it is sinful in a high degree; and the blast of heaven will follow every mission where such things are winked at.  You have satisfactorily expressed yourself on the duty of Christians to the powers that be; but if you countenance a man who can allow himself on all occasions to despise dominion, to speak evil of dignitaries, to sneer at the Government by wh. he is protected, in a word, to do that both publicly & privately which an Archangel dare not do agt the Devil himself, look to it, the Lord will not prosper you; and the work on which you have bestowed so much disinterested labour, and on wh. all our hearts have been so much set, will come to naught!

        I have no animosity agt Mr F; and if he cd be convinced of his antichristian spirit, and the folly of those superficial notions by which it is fed, I could joyfully forget the past and embrace him as a brother: but it is not enough that he be more prudent: if those notions continue in him & that spirit which has hitherto distinguished many of his Letters, and more especially his Journal, it will be, as blessed Pearce expressed it, “a canker worm at the root of his religion,” as well as a millstone about the neck of the Mission.  O my Dear Carey!  my soul is cast down within me on his account.  I will take his Letters & Journal to the Committee and they must proceed as they think proper, but if such things are suffered to continue, I say again, I must relinquish my post. 

        We have a dark cloud now hanging over the dissenters.  A bill is now preparing to be introduced in parliament, wh. if it pass into a law will in effect repeal the Toleration Act.  I am using all the interest I can with H. Thornton and Wilberforce agt it: but God knows what is coming upon us.  The bill is aimed particularly agt village preaching and is drawn up by a member of the Minority!  For ought I know your friends here may be soon in a prison.  My heart however is at rest in God.  All my fear is that many of us shd have to suffer not as Christians, but as busy bodies.  O that I cd say of dissenters what Tertullian said of the Xtn!  Then wd I write an Apology too: but men of Mr. F’s spirit render me incapable. 

        Mr F. in a conversation at Malda, Monday, Jan. 29. 1798, maintained that members of parliament ought to obey the instructions of their constituents or leave the House.  I wish he could apply this doctrine to himself.  Did his constituents send him to abuse the king, or the company, or to spout away in favour of forms of government?  Did they not solemnly charge on him a contrary conduct?  He knows they did.

        Godwin on Justice, an admirable book! and Godwin’s “curses on kings are to fall upon them”!  Well, I have said enough. Keep you clear, my dear Carey, fm this way of going on.  O that I might never have occasion to write another Letter nor line on this unpleasant subject! . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 5 May 1800.

This letter is about the bill against dissenters and village preaching (part of letter is missing). Fuller writes initially about Wilberforce and his advice to the Baptists:

. . . High Church spirit agt us.  He therefore earnestly recommends that we be still.  He thinks the Church is in more danger from such a measure than the Dissenters, they of doing wrong, we only of suffering wrong. As a friend to the Church therefore he is deeply concerned to oppose it; earnestly requests me to use all my influence to keep dissenters still; but desires his name not to be mentioned as little as possible.  I wrote to several quarters merely in this way—that a member of Parliament who was deeply concerned to prevent the measure advised so and so— . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Ward, Serampore, 13 June 1800.

. . . It was shocking to the Society to see in bror F’s Journal so much political folly.  I do not wonder that the Government shd refuse your going without your being examined.  It is deplorable to see how that disease can render a person blind to common equity.  The blood of certain characters in Ireland is to draw down the Judgement of heaven upon Britain (tho’ whether any was shed but of persons who had actually agreed with the French to aid their landing I question) But the blood shed by Buonaparte in Egypt (where he butchered thousands in a day in cold blood, after they had yielded, & people too who had given no offence, and had no quarrel with him or his country) is nothing.  Those are the glorious triumphs of Republicanism!  But surely he [Fountain] must be ashamed.  If not he had better return.  He will otherwise ruin the Mission at Serampour or at any other place.  He needs teaching the first principles of Christianity as to the spirit and conduct wh. it requires in Civil society.  One wd wonder what he does with his Conscience when reading such SS [Scriptures] as 2 Pet. & Jude—If such things were found in a man even here I shd oppose them; but there it greatly affects me.  I have said but little however to the Society, but left them to form their own Judgement & to draw up the Resolutions.  If such things had been passed over I must, painful as it would have been have withdrawn fm the Society; persuaded as I am that God will never bless us while any amongst us can so fly in the face of the whole tenor of the SS.

        I feel much for him & bror Thomas—I think they each possess talents, well I had almost said admirably adapted to the Mission and I love them both.  When I think of some things in each of them I feel as if I could pass over everything else and love them; and almost be sorry for having given them pain—Yet when I recollect others I cannot repent, conscious as I am that their good & the good of the Mission are my objects. . . .  I mentioned in a letter wh is now on board the Lord Walsingham that we were under great apprehensions of our religous liberties being abridged.  But I hope now it has blown over.  The Clergy did all they cd to effect it, but the State does not appear to have acquiesced.  Mr. Pitt has since publickly declared that a free toleration is an essential branch of the British Constitution and he hoped it would never be invaded.  It is sd his Majesty also was averse to the measure; he was lately shot at by an assassin, and has been congratulated by all orders of people on his escape.  Last Tuesday the Dissenters waited on him with an address to wh. he answered by assuring them of the continuance of their privileges. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Saffery, Salisbury, 3 July 1800.

Concerning the new missionaries newly arrived in India, he comments:

We do not apprehend the British Government at Calcutta to be hostile; but the present times make them jealous lest under the character of missionaries men shd. go for political ends.  I hope if they know them, & see they have no bad ends in view, they will be friendly after all. But our friends are afraid to appeal to the police because that will oblige the Government to decide whether missionaries shall be there, and as the Company at home are unfriendly it may not be in their power to give them a legal toleration.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 8 July 1800.

. . . Brown of Calcutta seems friendly to Carey and to the new missionaries; but averse to T. & F.  this does not bode very ill of him.  You will see how F’s folly operates.  I have but little doubt of all their difficulty being owing to him. . . .  

Near the end of the letter, after much comment on Ward’s journal that had been sent to him, he quotes from a letter he has received from Abraham Booth of London:

A member of Mr Reynold’s church in Cammomile Street, who is lately returned from Bengal saw Messrs Carey, Thomas & Fountain.  He says he thinks highly of Carey, and well of Thomas but was disgusted with Fountain on account of his rage for politics—that he was so fond of politics that he supposed him incapable of refraining from talking about them in any company.

After these words from Booth’s letter, Fuller then comments to Ward: “I have very little doubt of his talk on that subject being the occasion of your repulse; and if he were suffered to continue with you he wd soon drive you from Serampour.”

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to a Mr. Brown of Calcutta, 24 September 1800.

Here Fuller defends the right of sending missionaries into other lands and their right as peaceable citizens to propagate the Gospel without persecution: 

No government need entertain any apprehensions from our missionaries.  They have no worldly object in view; and if any one of them should conduct himself otherwise than as a peaceable, obedient and loyal subject, he must take the coonsequence.  We should as soon as we knew it, immediately remonstrate, and if our remonstrances failed, recal him.  All our proceedings are published to the world. . . We are Englishmen—we feel a partiality for English laws. . . .

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to William Carey, Serampore, 24 September 1800:

. . . We have had a letter fm poor Grigg.  He is teaching a school, I think, and preaching to some blacks in the Southern part of North America.  He appears to be convinced and confounded for all his folly and sin.  We rejoice in this letter.  If ever bror Fountain be of any use in the world or in the church he must become of the same spirit. I strongly suspect his foolish talk on things he understands not, (and if he did, had no call to utter) has occasioned the repulse our brethren met with. . . .

He notes later that Fountain had also offended Lord Mornington by his political talk (“wh. without being aware of it he scatters in all companies”).  Near the end he writes,

I feel much tender concern for Bror Fountain and also for Mrs Fountain; but I cannot write to him with any pleasure till I see him made sensible of his folly, wh. whether I ever shall I have my fears.  It wd grieve me if I thouught I had borne harder upon him than I ought—but tho’ I feel for him, I feel more for the Mission, wh. I am sure the spirit that he has indulged has a direct tendency to ruin.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Worcester, to John Saffery, Salisbury, 24 April 1801.

Fuller informs Saffery that Mr. Fountain died of dysentery in Dinagepour in August 1800.

(Andrew Fuller Correspondence, 1793-1815, MSS. BMS, Vol. 3, Angus Library, Regent’s Park College, Oxford)

Andrew Fuller, Kettering, to John Sutcliff, Olney, 15 June 1801.

Letter concerns BMS issues.  He hopes the Periodical Accounts will come soon and for Sutcliff to distribute them.  He has received a letter from Mr. Brown in London who has come from Serampore with a letter from Carey introducing him to Fuller.  More letters are on board the ship for Fuller and others.  He will be with Ryland in Northampton the next week to preach there; possibly Sutcliff could meet the two of them there on that Friday, he asks, and look at the letters then.  He will be speaking for Mark Wilks in Norwich and collecting for the BMS there in July. 

[Raffles Collection,  Eng. Ms. 376.  Original Letters. Authors—4057 (716)]